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Columnists:
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Kenneth B. Ackerman
Art Van Bodegraven
Barry Brandman
the ghosts of Smoot and Hawley
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BACK IN 1930, WITH THE UNITED STATES FACING A DEEP RECESsion, Congress and the Hoover administration took what supporters
argued was a major step to protect the U.S. economy. The Smoot-Hawley
Act, signed in June of that year by President Hoover, increased more than
900 import duties. That act of protectionism led to precisely the consequences opponents had predicted: retaliation by many other nations. With
trade already drying up, those new impediments to international commerce almost certainly hastened the slide into a full-scale depression. “The
act added poison to the emptying well of global trade,” The Economist said
in a December article on the history of the Smoot-Hawley Act and
renewed calls for protectionist laws in the current global recession.
One such effort—the demand for “buy American” rules in the economic
stimulus package enacted in February—met with some
success. The law requires, with some important exceptions, that infrastructure projects funded through the
law use steel and other products manufactured in the
United States. After an outcry by economists and major
trading partners, the Obama administration persuaded
Congress to water the provision down in the final bill.
But proponents of freer trade still fear that it could
open the door to other protectionist measures—
measures they believe could seriously impede a recovery
from this deep and ugly recession.
Of course, supporters of protectionist rules have
their own arguments as well: that we need to do everything we can to promote manufacturing in the United
States, and that other nations have protectionist rules
of their own. Many proponents of revisiting trade pacts argue that we have
gone too far in the past, rewarding nations with shoddy labor and environmental practices that keep costs low and allow unfair competition with
domestic firms. Those arguments have validity.
But I worry that any rules that serve to restrict trade in an economic
environment that has become so interdependent cannot help a recovery
and have great potential to slow it.
Now, no one is calling for anything as extreme as the Smoot-Hawley Act.
And no one is suggesting that the law deserves all or even most of the
blame for the Depression. The new impediments to trade certainly contributed to it, but many other forces were at work, just as they are today.
The world is a lot different than it was in 1930. International trade has
soared, and nations are aware of how interconnected economies have
become. Existing trade agreements would be difficult to dismantle. But
fear is a powerful thing, and those who live in fear are more likely to build
walls than bridges. The ghosts of Smoot and Hawley may haunt us yet.
A PUBLICATION OF
Editorial Director